A green Future for Europe

07.05.2007 15:52

Table of content

Our European Perspective 

1. The State of the EU 
2. Our Green political Vision on Europe’s Future 
 A Peace Project 
- A sustainable Future 
- Strengthening our European social Model 
-  Consumer Rights and Health Protection 
-  A Green Market Economy 
-  A global Player for a more just Globalisation 
-  Democracy, Diversity, Migration and the Rule of Law 
3. A democratic Architecture for a performing EU 
- European Parliament 
- National Parliaments 
- Subsidiarity 
- Political Parties 
- Court of Justice 
- Citizen\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s Direct Participation 
4. Future Enlargement of the EU 
5. (How) Will we get a European Constitutional Treaty? 
6. Greening Europe 
- Europe as a Peace Project 
- Creating a sustainable Future 
- Strengthening the European Social Model 
- Consumer Rights and Health Protection 
-  A Green Market Economy for Europe 
- Europe as Actor for a more just Globalisation 
7. Democracy, Diversity and the Rule of Law 
-  Migration 
-  Justice 

Conclusion 

Our European Perspective

  For Greens Europe has always meant more – geographically as well as politically – than the European Union. Since the start of the European Coordination of Green Parties in 1983 we always had Green parties inside and outside of the European Union as our member parties: At the moment our European Green Party includes 35 parties in 31 countries. And, especially in times of globalisation, environmental and social problems don’t begin or stop at EU member countries’ borders. For us Greens building a wall and closing one’s eyes to what is happening abroad is not an option. We greens see the EU as a peace project and we recognize that enlargement has been one of the principal means to reach that.

  The increasing lack of social justice, especially concerning jobs and future perspectives for young women and men, the running down of human and citizens’ rights in times of terrorism, the growing influence of organised crime, the nuclear backlash as well as the deterioration of ecological criteria and of course the stalemate at the EU institutional level are, among other things, of deep concern for Greens all over Europe – within and outside the EU.

  The European Union for Greens had and still has one major aim: To build, after centuries of war and conflict, lasting peace and cooperation among the peoples of this continent, and after centuries of colonization, to have a positive impact on global politics. Especially the second aspect has not been achieved in a way Greens would like to see results. Therefore the focus of this paper is on the concern and urgent matters Greens see at Union level, because the state and politics of the European Union have decisive influence not only on what happens inside the European Union but also on the development of other parts of Europe as well as on other continents.

1. The State of the EU
  The European Union is a historical success story. Never in European history have so many nations enjoyed peace for such a long time. In wide ranging respects, the EU has played a positive role for the political and economic, social and environmental evolution in Europe. The EU has contributed to the reunification of Europe. It has been a positive actor in the promotion of peaceful solutions to ongoing international conflicts. In building up a strong environmental policy framework, the EU became an international forerunner for the transition towards an ecologically sustainable society, although a lot of work still has to be done. The EU enlargement project has led to the democratic stabilisation of the European region. In its promotion of human and minority rights, anti-discrimination and gender policies, the EU chose a progressive path. The membership of the EU has led to the narrowing of economic disparities among the different European countries.

  However, at the moment, the EU is in a political crisis. This became clear through the outcome of the referenda in the Netherlands and France. Presently, the debate about the EU is dominated by two opposite perspectives: On one hand, there is strong scepticism towards the EU, its lack of democratic transparency, its bureaucracy and towards what is perceived as the dominance of neo-liberal economic policies within the EU. This combines with a fear, shared by many people, of losing control over their own lives. On the other hand, people are hoping that the EU would guard the "European social model" with high social, environmental, consumer and other standards and protect them from the negative effects of economic globalisation. From the first perspective, the EU has gone too far, from the second, it has not done enough. Both, however, agree that the EU is not performing and delivering as it should.

  Next to the standstill in the Constitution process, the recent political deadlock of the financial perspectives 2007-2013 showed the depth of the crisis.  The EU is faced with structural problems and shortcomings that have to be solved. The EU will have to find a new definition of its role in a political context of growing support for conservative and even nationalist ideologies in different member countries.

  The EU is currently paying a heavy price for years of lack of political courage. The way the decision making process is organised and the distribution of powers among the different levels of decision making in a EU with 25 member states is problematic. National governments can still block important decisions that would be a step forward in the integration process. The choice for enlargement has been insufficiently accompanied by a strengthening of the civil society, the democratic procedures and institutions. The Amsterdam and Nice Treaties have missed important opportunities to improve the functioning of the EU.

  The EU is faced with a democratic deficit at different levels. In several countries national politicians use the EU as a scapegoat for their own decisions and policies. Important aspects or domains of European decision-making escape democratic control on the national or European level. The division of competences among the different levels contributed to the fact that the EU tries to do too much in some domains and can do too little in others. The outcome of the referenda showed that large sections of the European population do not recognize themselves in the policies that are pursued in the name of the EU. In the eyes of many European citizens the EU has, just as so many national governments, chosen a path of competition instead of cooperation, which led to an alienation from the positive elements of the European integration process. Too many European citizens have the impression that they cannot influence what happens in the EU, whereas strong economic lobbies do have direct access to the decision-making process.

  In its functioning and structure the EU has relatively invested too much in the logic of a market-driven competitive development and too little in the promotion of a European model of solidarity. The contrast between on the one hand the ‘hard law’ of monetary rules and on the other hand the ‘soft law’ of the open coordination method in social policies is untenable. If the European project wants to convince the citizens, this stalemate has to be solved.

  The arguments a growing group of politicians use in the enlargement debate are worrying. One cannot at the same time want a broad enlargement and not want to invest the necessary amount of money. Thinking that solidarity can be postponed or avoided is a dangerous strategy that may lead to short-term (national) political advantages, but may cause a heavy political price in the longer term, e.g. when security issues are concerned. It is equally important that the EU takes a closer look at the winners and losers of current policies (e.g. the Common Agricultural Policy) and corrects those procedures or rules that lead to a distortion of the solidarity mechanisms among the EU-members.

  The crisis in the European project may to a large extent have to do with more fundamental problems of globalisation. The way the globalisation process is organised has led to a deeply rooted fear among the citizens. Social ‘certainties’ are evaporating, together with the trust citizens had in their institutions. The mainly economic globalisation process needs a stronger political answer. European politicians do not seem able to convince their citizens of the added value of the EU in this matter. In the eyes of many, the EU seems to be a motor of a negative globalisation process instead of being the solution for the many problems citizens perceive. This became clear in the discussion on e.g. the neoliberal ‘Bolkenstein Service Directive’, the port service directive, the working time directive, the pressure of the Commission to open the market for Genetically Modified Organisms.

  But more fundamentally the effects of an unsustainable lifestyle can no longer be ignored or ‘exported’ to the other side of the world or the future generations. Up till recently the rich countries of (Western) Europe succeeded in keeping the negative fall-out of globalisation outside their doors. This is no longer true. Only a choice for ecological justice, which means that these same European countries will have to drastically reduce their ecological footprint as a precondition for a just and sustainable development of other parts of the world, can open the door to a safer and fair  future.

2. Our Green political Vision on Europe’s Future

  We do need a politically and economically well integrated EU as an indispensable player in key policy areas and for key green goals. We want those areas to be defined clearly. And we want to ensure that efficient, transparent and democratic decision-making structures are in place to achieve those ends. Then, there are also areas where decision-making should best take place on the national, regional or on the local levels and where the EU should not interfere with these democratic decisions.

  For us Greens the EU is a peace project and an international actor for peace and human rights. The EU has to take a stand for a sustainable future. The EU should safeguard our European social model. The EU must enhance consumer rights and health protection. The economic aspiration of the EU should be that of a Green market economy. The EU should become a global player for a more just globalisation. The EU must stand for democracy, diversity and the rule of law...

- A Peace Project

  Peace in the EU has become "normal", which is a historic success for the EU. The recent enlargement and European re-unification solidifies the EU’s role as a guarantor for peace. The EU must also develop a new neighbourhood policy to implement its obligations for building a solid base for common security with all those neighbours that will not join the EU. Solidarity, expressed in stronger and efficient democratic institutions is essential if we want peace and security for the next generations. The international community also expects Europe to play a global role for peace and human rights. A unipolar world with the USA as “sheriff” is not a safe world, nor is a world of multipolar conflicts. European countries must unite to achieve success on the basis of multilateralism, with priority to prevention, disarmament and non-military conflict resolution.

- A sustainable Future

 While being far from perfect, the establishment of relatively high environmental standards in the EU is one of its success stories. The EU should be the place where a sustainable and fair future takes shape. It is up to the EU to systematically make green choices in environmental, energy, transport, agricultural, consumer and scientific issues. Environmental policy also is economic innovation policy and creates jobs and economic opportunity. To invest in ecological sustainability is an investment in justice and security. Therefore we need ambitious policy targets and instruments to limit climate change, to create a sustainable transport structure, to preserve and strengthen biodiversity, to develop a sustainable agriculture (with respect for the Global South), and to support  a research policy aiming at a more sustainable development.

- Strengthening our European social Model

  The vast majority of Europeans support the European Social tradition, which values social justice, gender justice, worker and consumer rights and environmental and health protection highly. Keeping this tradition alive in an increasingly competitive world can no longer be achieved unilaterally. To safeguard this tradition and to develop it into a common European social model we have to learn from different national experience. The strength of the EU will be necessary to balance the need for increased innovation, efficiency and competitiveness with the values of the European social model. Neither do we want to isolate Europe from the rest of the world. Nor do we want to pursue and export a lifestyle that weighs so heavily on our planet. Dealing with the environmental challenge therefore is a matter of social justice within our own societies as well as world-wide.

-  Consumer Rights and Health Protection

  No matter if bird-flue or dioxin, in times of crisis consumers expects the EU to play a role in protecting their rights and their livelihood. Guaranteeing consumer rights in an open market is equally important, e.g. when consumers want safe food free of Genetically Modified Organisms. The EU is an indispensable tool for consumer and health protection - a role which member states alone can no longer play effectively.

-  A Green Market Economy

  Competitiveness should be compatible with pursuing general interest objectives and in particular with environmental protection and social cohesion. A central Green focus of economic policy is our strategy of reducing the dependency on fossil fuels particularly the oil dependency and of guaranteeing a nuclear-free energy system. We pursue an innovation path that combines energy efficiency, energy saving and the development of renewable energies. The EU must play a more active role in this policy area. With a single market and the Euro as common currency of a majority of member states more European economic policy cooperation is indispensable and neither ecological sustainability nor social cohesion is achievable without it. Stopping harmful tax competition is part of this task.

- A global Player for a more just Globalisation

  We need the EU as a strong global player to promote fair globalisation. The EU should use co-operations and alliances with other global actors as well as with a disadvantaged continent as Africa to thus redirect international policies and institutions, including the WTO and the IMF. Greens stand for fair trade. We support the introduction of a Tobin type tax at a European level. We want the EU to cooperate with developing countries and emerging powers in the promotion of sustainable development. The globalisation of capital flows also requires a globalisation of democratic policy. This implies a stronger role for the UN, the international rule of law and the support of international justice.

- Democracy, Diversity, Migration and the Rule of Law
 
  There is no question that the European Union still has to improve in terms of democratic procedures. However, the EU has played and continues to play an important role to safeguard and demand democratic procedures and institutions in its member states, as well as the empowerment of women. This positive effect is true for old and new member states alike. The European Court, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, the European Ombudsman and the complaint procedure are important tools for citizens to protect their rights. The EU also has to co-ordinate its member-states in fighting racism, homophobia, xenophobia and anti-Semitism as well as in guaranteeing humanitarian standards for refugees, regulation for the integration of immigrants and the rule of law in the fight against international terrorism and organised crime.

3. A democratic Architecture for a performing EU

  Europe must redefine democracy in the supranational context, the Union being a sovereignty- sharing entity of its own kind that fuses elements of an international organisation and of an integrated system. It exercises directly those powers that have been conferred on it, but it is still not recognised as a fully legitimate democracy by its citizens. The European Constitutional Treaty could only find a partial answer to the democratisation deficit of the Union and we must continue to strive for the creation of a stable constitutional framework for the EU.

  The common constitutional tradition of all Member States links any exercise of power to guaranteed fundamental and civil rights; to democratic legitimacy; to the separation of powers between the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government; to the public nature of legislation; to parliamentary and governmental judicial control of all action; and to the preservation of the rule of law. All these founding principles of a democratic order should be identifiable also at European Union level. They cannot be implemented through a decision-making system founded on intergovernmental co-operation.

  We need a new constitutional treaty. Besides the Charter of  Fundamental Rights we Greens focus on strong parliamentary rights, on subsidiarity, on judicial guarantees, on citizen\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s initiative and European referenda as core elements of the new constitutional order we engage for.

- European Parliament

  All legislative acts of the EU should be adopted, as originally proposed by the Convention, in public by the European parliament and the Legislative Council. For the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the EP should have the power of giving binding guidelines and to co-decide the budget allocated. The role of the European Parliament has to be reinforced during the negotiation and the approval of International Treaties. As one branch of the legislation the European Parliament shall have, along with the Commission, the right of initiative regarding European legislation. In order to exclude that individual Member States continuously block the Union by means of a veto the Legislative Council shall decide on all matters of common legislation by a qualified majority vote.

  The EP and the legislative Council have an equal right to control the exercise of the implementing powers of the Commission. The Commission’s term of office shall be linked to the legislative period of the European Parliament. The President of the Commission shall be elected by the European Parliament and approved by the European Council. The Commission, including the Foreign Minister and each of its individual members shall be responsible to the European Parliament. The Commission President shall have a general full authority vis-à-vis his colleagues.

- National Parliaments

  The role of the national parliaments with regard to the involvement in the political life of the Union and the parliamentarisation of the constitutional process consists first and foremost in the control of their governments. They should play an active role in implementing the subsidiarity principle. They must also participate in constituent assemblies drafting amendments for any major constitutional revision...

- Subsidiarity

  Democracy within the EU manifests itself at different levels: towns and municipalities; regions; member states and the common Union. Subsidiarity is a basic value of the European Union.  However the European Greens warn against the current trend to identify the concept of subsidiarity with the concept of general re-nationalisation. EU legislation must be in full coherence with the principle of subsidiarity. On account of its very nature, the Legislative Council - being a chamber of the states - shall have a special political responsibility to preserve subsidiarity. The Court of Justice is competent to judge on appeals contesting the implementation of the principle of subsidiarity or on conflicts of competences among the EU institutions, member states and member states\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\' constitutionally recognised regions.

- Political Parties

  European parties must play an important role in advancing European political integration. We Greens are in favour of transnational lists. 10 % of the seats for the European Parliament should be allocated to pan-EU lists.  Thus in the European elections each citizen casts two votes, one for a national party, one for a European party. European parties can decide to nominate the top candidate on their list for the Commission presidency. This would raise the stakes of the European elections.

-  Court of Justice

  The European Court of Justice shall also be the constitutional court of the Union. The overall application of Union law shall be subject to its jurisdiction. All the members of the European Court of Justice must be confirmed by the EP after holding hearings.

-  Citizen\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s Direct Participation

  The participation of the European citizens in the decision making process shall by guaranteed by the inclusion of a right of citizens\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\' initiative, as well as a European referendum. A draft-law with at least one million signatures obtained from a number of Member States may be sent to the Commission in order for it to take a legislative initiative, provided the latter is compatible with the Constitution and, in particular, with the Charter of Fundamental Rights. This citizens\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\' initiative would not affect the right of initiative of the European Parliament and the Commission, but it obliges both institutions to act or, in case they decide not to follow the demand of the petition by a qualified majority vote, to explain publicly the reasons without  unreasonable delay.

4. Future Enlargement of the EU

  Enlargement of the EU from the initial 6 to the current 25 has been a success - however, without  solution of the present constitutional crisis of the EU there will be no future enlargement beyond Bulgaria and Rumania. We reject any attempt to utilize the debate about the absorption capacity of the EU to prevent further enlargement altogether. Greens do not want the EU to slam the door in the face of present and possible future accession candidates.

  The EU has rightly stuck to its commitments towards Croatia and Turkey. We welcome the start of membership negotiations with these two countries. Despite this clear general approval, we have always made clear where we see the shortcomings in the reforms in these countries and we certainly will continue to be reliable but critical supporters of both countries. The process of accession negotiations, by its very nature, is open-ended, but membership is the goal. As in the past we would welcome decisions from Switzerland, Norway and Iceland to join.

  The European perspective for the Western Balkans has to be kept upright: stabilisation and peace on the Balkans must stay a key priority for the EU in the coming years. Therefore we want the EU to have a common strategy for the region. The level of regional cooperation between the countries of the Western Balkans is an important indication of their preparedness for EU membership, but finally each country must be judged on its own merits and negotiate its accession according to an individual time table.

  Today, a possible start of accession talks with Ukraine or even other Eastern European countries lies behind the historical horizon. It remains to be seen whether that will change over the next 25 years. In the meantime the EU should not hesitate to strengthen the cooperation with these countries.

For Greens the criteria laid down in Copenhagen in 1993 are the central benchmarks for the preparedness of any candidate to enter the EU. These criteria are not negotiable.

5. (How) Will we get a European Constitutional Treaty?

  We Greens are convinced that the European Union needs more than ever a constitutional settlement which strengthens parliamentary democracy, transparency and the rule of law, anchors fundamental rights, develops citizenship and enhances the capacity of the Union to act effectively at home and abroad.

  From our point of view the European Union needs to re-launch the constitutional process - simultaneously with radically improving its political performance. Democratisation and further steps to establish a European constitutional treaty has to go hand in hand with a change of the political orientation of the Union by the adoption of political initiatives and rules that respond adequately to the fears and the needs of the population. This implies, to tackle among others, the problems that people are facing in the social, economic, energy and environmental fields. The acceptance of the Union will only be enhanced if the citizens feel that the EU is not only focusing on completing the single market but strives to find answers that the current situation requires.

  During the ongoing ratification process, it became obvious that substantial parts of the Constitution were not really controversial. The Charter of Fundamental Rights, the majority of the first part and a series of innovations in the third part of the Constitution, have encountered little or no criticism during the ratification process. Moreover, a large consensus could be found with regard to specific improvements such as the strengthening of popular initiatives, the introduction of a European referendum, the redressing of contradictions between social objectives.

  We do not believe in the solution currently proposed by the Conservatives and the Social democrats based on the addition of a protocol for each country that has rejected the Constitution, supposing this will allow to overcome the deadlock created by the negative referenda in France and in the Netherlands. A constitutional crisis of the dimension we are facing cannot be overcome by following the precedents of the solution found to overcome negative referenda in Denmark and/or in Ireland in the past.

  At the same time we reject all proposals to continue with the current Nice Treaty just adapting it in order to make it operative in case the accession negotiations with Croatia and other Balkan countries are finalised.

  Greens are convinced that we will need a new Convention to overcome the present roadblock. It should build on the basis laid by the 1st Convention. Therefore we reject any attempt to restart negotiations concerning a new treaty from scratch.

  We think that the draft Constitutional Treaty as it stands should and can be improved.  The draft proposal as prepared by the Convention should be divided into two parts, the genuinely constitutional part – basically parts I, II and IV of the draft treaty – and the part on specific policies (part III). A new Convention with a clear mandate in this sense could be put in place after the French election and under the German Presidency, during the European Council meeting in June 2007. This Convention should also draw a clear distinction between the revision clauses for the genuinely constitutional part (Parts I, II and IV) and the ordinary Treaty (Part III). A strong political commitment to use all the possibilities of the new constitutional treaty to considerably improve the social dimension should also be part of the outcome of the process. Representatives of civil society should be included in the work of the new convention.

  The Constitutional Treaty amended as we propose, i.e. the genuinely constitutional result of the Convention\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s work, should be ratified in a pan-EU plebiscite by dual majority parallel to the upcoming 2009 European Elections. The exact modalities should be decided during the second half of 2008 by the new Convention and the European Council. Greens will campaign for this referendum EU wide.

  We are convinced that this proposal, which calls upon the European citizens to break the deadlock, is the best way to overcome Europe\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s constitutional crisis. A common constitutional decision that involves not only EU political institutions but the European public and every citizen is the adequate answer to national narrow-mindedness and national divisions. We strongly believe that nothing less radical will work and that European citizens, when called upon to take the continents history into their hands, will move Europe forward.
  In this context we would welcome political initiatives to promote a structural enhanced cooperation with the aim of speeding up the European integration process.

6. Greening Europe

  To improve the performance of the EU, to build new trust in the European institutions and to better meet the demands of the EU citizens, the EU must evaluate and, where necessary, redirect its core policies. Greening its orientation will help the EU to act in accordance with real needs and civic expectations. European Greens offer a “greening” strategy, led by our vision on Europe\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s future.

- Europe as a Peace Project

  The European Union is a peace project and should remain one also in the future. The horrors of the Second World War have taught Europeans to see the use of force not as self-assertion but as failure. The European Union is a rather successful attempt to replace the law of the strongest by the strength of law. To settle conflicts not by intimidation and violence, but by rules, negotiation and jurisdiction. Hence, most Europeans are warm supporters of multilateral organizations such as the United Nations and the International Criminal Court. They are against military force as long as peaceful means of conflict resolution have not been exhausted. Unfortunately, the citizens of the EU are more of one mind than their politicians. Because of disagreements between governments, the EU is too often absent from the world stage.

  The European Greens do not acquiesce in these paralyzing divisions.  The shortcomings and errors of US foreign policy in tackling today’s security threats, such as terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction, failed states, organized crime and climate change, are all too obvious. The EU, which embodies and practices a broader concept of security, should take more global responsibility. The activities which have forged European countries together should become the EU’s external power: diplomacy, cultural dialogue, fair trade, development aid and the promotion of international law.

  There is massive support amongst European citizens for a more integrated European foreign and security policy. The steps forward in the European Constitution might even be called modest in view of this support. Europe needs the minister of Foreign Affairs foreseen in the Constitution, but it also needs to do away with vetoes. As a step towards more effective decision-making, the Council of Ministers should decide by qualified majority upon proposals put forward by the EU minister of Foreign Affairs. At the same time, the EU minister’s accountability towards the European Parliament should be enhanced. Whenever the EU has a common position, the EU minister should defend this position in the UN Security Council. Ultimately, the EU should have its own permanent seat in the Security Council.

  Even as a civil power the EU needs military instruments. They are a last resort when conflict prevention and civilian crisis management have failed. The EU should no longer be dependent on NATO for preserving peace on the European continent including the Western Balkans. This does not require more military spending. It does require better cooperation, a clear distribution of tasks and integration of military capabilities.

  Military interventions should always be carried out in conformity with the UN Charter with the aim of achieving lasting peace, not to secure oil supplies and the like. The European Court of Justice should have jurisdiction over the EU’s foreign and security policy. Military operations should require the consent of both the European Parliament and the national parliaments of the participating member states. A common EU foreign and Security policy must not inspire fear into Europe’s neighbours or its own citizens; it must help building mutual trust.

- Creating a sustainable Future

  Improved protection of the environment and resource base is one of the most important tasks of European political leaders. It is also one of the main activities that citizens of the European Union expect of the EU. Euro barometer polls show that over two thirds want decision-makers to give equal weight to environmental, economic and social policies.

 However, while there are improvements in some areas, on the balance, pressure on the environment is increasing. Total global use of natural resources is estimated to be about 20 per cent above what the planet can produce. The average citizen of EU-25 uses more than twice the global average.

  Clearly, this is unsustainable. We must reduce the environmental impact of our production and consumption patterns to sustainable levels, or our children will pay the price. Consumption of resources and ecological services must be more equitably shared; the alternative is increased conflict over declining resources. 

  The EU has led to specific improvements in environmental protection in each of its member states. In some countries measures to protect the environment come mainly from the EU.

  Disturbingly, the past few years have witnessed a change in the wrong direction in the EU. Environmental concerns are given lower priority than “competitiveness”, for example in chemicals policy, transportation and energy. We need to recognise that ecologically sustainable use of our resources is a in the long term a precondition for employment and economic progress, and can even improve them in the short term.

  In particular, the free movement of goods must not be given higher priority than protection of the environment and health. This applies both within the EU and in relations between the EU and the rest of the world. In the absence of adequate environmental and competition safeguards, further market integration can have serious consequences both for the environment and environmental policy.

  Basic principles of EU environmental policy, the "polluter pays" principle, the precautionary principle, and the principle of rectification of pollution at source, are important and must be implemented. This includes better enforcement of EU environmental regulations and standards. These principles must be supplemented by the substitution principle for dangerous chemicals, the principle of the conservation of biodiversity, and the principle of keeping resource use and environmental impact within the fair share of environmental space or ecological footprint of Europe.

  We must hasten decoupling the increase of economic growth from an increase in resource use and environmental impact. Resource use and environmental impact must be decreased in absolute terms.

  Integration of environmental and animal welfare concerns into other EU policies, as required by the Treaty, must be implemented in practise. In particular, an environmental fiscal reform is needed, whereby resource use and environmental pressures are taxed and other taxes or funding sources are reduced. It is also urgent to phase out environmentally harmful subsidies. Other priority areas for increased integration of environmental requirements into sectorial policies are research, structural funds, agriculture fisheries, transportation and energy.

  Euratom needs to be scrapped or completely made over into an agency for a sustainable transformation of our energy system. Countries which have developed their wealth during the era of cheap fossil fuels have the resources and the responsibility to develop and introduce technology which is clean, efficient and increasingly based on renewable resources. This should be a prime focus of European research and development.

  We can achieve the goal of a sustainable Europe with an attractive quality of life, but it will require a change of focus for decision-makers at all levels. It will require a re-orientation of policies, research   and investments, and reconsideration of out-dated ideas about what is necessary for a good life. The European Green Party and its national member parties will continue to work together for concrete actions towards this goal on the European, national and local levels.

- Strengthening the European Social Model

 Only if the social dimension of the EU is strengthened and is perceived as such by the citizens will the public support for the integration process increase.
For the Greens, the sustainable development of the European societies fully encompasses the social dimension; it is simply not thinkable that the European Union would restrict its role to promote Europe as an integrated economic and financial market, while ignoring the need for social cohesion and for improving the living and working conditions of European citizens.

  We do recognize that a majority of Governments currently in place advocate, explicitly or de facto a European Union which would indeed work as a single market only, putting the national welfare systems in unbound competition with each other, leading them (as well as the fiscal and environmental protection systems) to a downward spiral. This is something Greens stand firmly opposed to.

  For Greens, welfare systems, in order to be sustainable and successful, must enjoy widespread support among the population they serve and therefore be built upon its shared values. Since those may differ from country to country, it follows that there is no “one size fits all” welfare system and that the choices in terms of systems – and of the way they should be transformed in a globalised economy – should be primarily left to the member-states. Cooperation between any number of them in order to reach a greater convergence can only be voluntary but would most certainly be welcome. However, this does not imply that the European Union should have no role on social policy.
First of all, the Union must ensure that the legislative measures it takes and the policies it carries in the economic, financial and world trade domains do not de facto weaken or make impossible the social policies of the member states. Here, a rebalancing act is needed, which would see the Union take the social (and environmental) impacts of its policies more into consideration.

  Regarding services of general interest, Greens consider that services such as education, health, public transportation, drinking water should not be subject to market mechanisms. In other domains, the choice between liberalization or not should be left at the appropriate local, regional or national level, without however allowing undue monopolistic advantages in markets that are liberalized.

  Greens consider that the European Union should set minimum rates of corporate, capital and environment taxation, thereby preventing unbound competition between member-states and allowing them to have the means to fund their welfare systems on a sufficient and better balanced manner (away from a labour-base only). The EU should encourage its member states to set a minimum level of subsistence or “basic wage”, taking into account national differences, thereby ensuring a downward limit to the effects of competition. The EU should provide the framework for EU-wide collective labour agreements, covering topics such as working conditions, training, wages; the EU Commission should be given the authority to make such agreements binding for all companies in the sectors concerned. The EU should also enhance its legislation on non-discrimination, especially as regards gender, ethnic origin, disabilities and sexual orientation.

-  Consumer Rights and Health Protection

  The big food and health scares of the past years (BSE, Dioxin, Salmonella, and MPA etc) have undermined consumer’s trust in food, especially in meat and processed food, but also in the ability of politicians to solve the problems. While the European Union has made some wide ranging proposals for increasing food safety throughout the food chain, these initiatives are not sufficient and have often been blocked or delayed by the member states.

  The precautionary principle to food production adopted by the EU must not be limited to residues or end-of-the-pipe controls on final products. Verifiable standards guaranteeing healthy food products must be enforced all the way throughout the production process, from the cultivation of crops and fodder to the final processing. These standards are required by the regulation on organic farming of the EU and should in the future also be applied for conventional food production, be it from agriculture, fishing or fish farming.

 In order to make better and healthier food, it is necessary to

• discourage intensive and rationalised farming and fish farming practice through strict enforcement of environmental, animal welfare and food safety legislation;
• enforce standards which guarantee food safety, without limiting the necessary flexibility of implementation needed to maintain and diversify regional and local food production;
• enlarge the definition of quality standards, in order to include the wide differences of food culture and taste;
• provide consumers with all relevant information about a product’s origin and the way in which it was produced through a EU regulation on consumer information;
• effectively control the implementation of food laws at all stages of food production;
• apply the precautionary principle throughout the whole food chain and establish clear rules on liability;
• stimulate consumers’ choice for a healthy diet.
But food quality is only one aspect to enhance health and consumer rights. Consumer protection and public health must be present in all European policies (industrial, trade, agriculture, regional, food, etc).

  Greens acknowledge the increasing demand from consumers for medical pluralism including alternative medicine. The EU should support the request of consumers for more freedom of choice and their demand for more information and expertise.

  Greens acknowledge that the increase of allergies, cancers, respiratory infections, reproduction problems, obesity, degenerative diseases (Alzheimer, Parkinson etc...) etc... are largely due to the modifications of environment (pollution, pesticides, chemicals, climate change, food, etc...).

  In this frame, Greens are committed to promote a strong directive on REACH. Toxic contamination through chemicals has to be stopped. A rigorous evaluation of safety risks has to be assured.

  At the same time we are facing new world outbreaks. Avian flue, AIDS, ARS, are crossing not only the country borders but also the species borders, and affecting humans.  According to the Treaties, the EU has a clear responsibility together with member states in preventing illnesses and diseases and protecting human health.

  Furthermore, Greens ask for the enhancement of the rights of consumer protection organizations. Directives on door-to-door sales, consumer credits, distance selling, package tours, product liability should be strengthened.

-  A Green Market Economy for Europe

  The Greens are in favour of competition rules in the economy, provided they consist of instruments aimed at achieving an objective, rather than being themselves an objective per se. The objective of competition rules should be to improve the quality of products and services, to extend consumers’ choice and to allow affordable prices. A Green market economy means that competitiveness should be compatible with pursuing general interest objectives, and in particular social cohesion and environmental protection, which are the cornerstones of sustainable development. This implies that when promoting small and medium enterprises the EU should include social enterprises and cooperatives in these policies.

  There are ecological limits to economic development. This is particularly evident in the light of the energy issue. With the turning point of the so-called peak-oil crisis expected to occur in the next ten years, Europe needs more than ever a new European energy culture. A massive uptake of renewable energy sources is necessary, as well as increased changes in the modes of transport and efforts in terms of energy efficiency and conservation. Besides, an efficient and competitive European energy market requires reducing market concentration. Regulatory instruments, including fiscal tools, should be used to encourage the development of new market actors in the renewable energy sector. Similarly, the development of a knowledge-based economy should be coherent with a sustainable development strategy. The research and development policy and the innovation policy should focus on environment-friendly technologies. Indeed, eco-efficiency is the most evident characteristic of modern, advanced economies.

  Macro-economic policy instruments should serve to meet the needs of European society. Through the changes brought in March 2005, the Stability and Growth Pact should provide for more adherence on the national levels, while allowing for more flexibility on the EU level. The focus should be on public and private investment in order to reduce unemployment. What Europe needs is to boost the public and private expenditures in eco-efficient technologies and their dissemination in the economic production. The new market procurement legislation should also be used to foster the demand for such technologies. Fiscal policy should also serve sustainable development. Europe needs more fiscal cooperation, rather than fiscal competition, in order to preserve and enhance the financial means required for ambitious public policies. In this respect, a European coordination of environmental tax reforms and of company taxation is necessary.

  Services of general interest are pillars of a sustainable development strategy. Europe needs strong and modern services of general interest. These services already account for more than 35% of total employment in the EU and are central to the development of a successful knowledge-based economy. It is therefore essential to ensure that there is growth in public supply and expenditure on these services. In full respect of the subsidiarity principle, public authorities at all levels, which are democratically accountable to the citizens, must be free to choose how to finance and organise these services. A European legislation should confer legal certainty to these principles.

  The EU budget should be brought to a level which corresponds to the political competences of the Union. It is not possible to implement sustainable development policies in the context of the enlarged EU with a budget limited to 1% of the EU GDP. Similarly, the distribution of these expenditures should be refocused to meet priority needs, including sustainability, environmental innovation, the Common Foreign policy and the Development Cooperation Policy.

-  Europe as Actor for a more just Globalisation

  A purely defensive approach towards globalisation is a deadlock. Neither an "adaptive" paradigm- based on the idea that globalisation is a phenomenon originating outside the EU, and to which the EU has to adapt -  nor  a "protective" paradigm -  based on the idea that the EU (as a whole, or at the level of Member States) should reduce its involvement in the global economy through barriers against the free movement of goods, services, capital and persons – serves the interests of the citizens of the EU or of the rest of the world.

  Greens advocate more offensive responses of the EU, whose role can be determinant in re-orienting the current globalisation process towards win-win strategies. Being already the world\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s biggest economic actor, the EU should fully take its responsibility in this respect. Therefore Greens demand a commitment of the EU to diminish its negative impact on the global ecosystem. The choice for a far reaching eco-efficiency strategy within the EU is a condition for a just globalisation.

  Greens encourage regional-continental integration processes in other parts of the world based on democratic values and the full respect of human rights (Africa, Latin-America, etc.).

  Greens encourage the development of services of general interest. They are aware of  the key role played by public authorities in the economic development in the EU as well as abroad. Projects of general interest have to play a decisive role in determining competition rules.

  Greens see it as an obligation to preserve and enhance the effectiveness of public spending. Within the EU as well as abroad, overly restrictive fiscal and monetary policies represent obstacles which prevent public authorities from properly addressing social and environmental needs.

  Greens encourage a research-development (R&D) policy which is coherent with sustainable development; R&D and innovation should focus on environment-friendly technologies; fundamental research should at least be equally developed as applied research; within the EU as well as abroad education should be a priority.

  The EU needs proper institutions for being a global economic actor. It is impossible for the EU to play a decisive role in re-orienting the current globalisation process as long as the institutional framework does not provide the EU with the adequate competencies  in this field. The competencies given to the EU concerning trade policies (Article 133) need to be extended to foreign affairs policies an allow a more coherent policy in the international financial area. The role of the European Parliament in these fields should be enhanced. The provisions of the draft Constitutional Treaty represent a first step in these regards. The IMF, the World Bank and the WTO should be integrated into the UN system. The WTO, more particularly, should be deeply reformed both in its internal organisation and in its objectives, which should consist of promoting high social and environmental standards in international trade.

  Free trade must be compatible with fair trade. This means than prices must mirror the real social and environmental costs linked to production and transport.

  Sustainability should be inherent to all development policies. Development objectives have to be based on human rights principles, poverty reduction, conflict prevention, democratic participation and empowerment of women as well as energy efficiency, consumers\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\' rights and preserving of the environment. The EU should concretise its commitment to raise the financial means affected to the developing countries. A “Tobin type tax” on the movement of capital, must be created with the twofold objective to fight financial speculation and to raise funds for the development. We are devoted to reaching the goal of 0.7% of Official Development Assistance by 2015, excluding debt relief from being ODA-accredited. The process towards reaching this objective itself should be accelerated in all EU Member States. Greens do support fighting the existing “Tax paradises” and demand additional measures to reduce the debt of developing countries in the framework of the HIPC Programme.
 
7. Democracy, Diversity and the Rule of Law

  For Greens democracy is a fundamental value. Democracy includes fair representation, citizen participation and direct democratic instruments. There is a growing criticism about the limits of democratic involvement among European citizens. Greens share the demand for an extension of instruments to allow better civic participation. One instrument that could become a new source of democratic legitimacy of the EU and its constitution is an EU-wide referendum. Another instrument is the popular initiative which could forge new cross-border links between citizens, NGOs and political parties that would campaign together. In European civil society NGOs that represent social, cultural, legal and environmental interests play an important role. These groups should be granted more access to political decision making at the EU level. Therefore Greens support NGOs in getting consultative status with those institutions relevant to their area of work and getting better access to the Court of Justice.

- Migration

  Not often in history, have so many people endeavoured to build a new life far from home. The dream of a better existence is globalizing at the same speed as the flows of trade and information. Many migrants risk their lives to reach European territory.

  However high fences, however strict border controls may be, illegal migrants will continue to come, if only because there is a demand for their labour in Europe. As migration cannot be stopped, we should start regulating it, taking advantage of the migrants’ talents and energy. In a Union without internal borders, this demands a EU-wide approach. The European Commission should present and implement a concept of a coordinated policy in this field. Member states do not have to give up the right to determine the size of direct labour migration from outside the EU. The interests of the labour migrants’ countries of origin must also be taken into account, for instance by promoting circular forms of migration whereby migrants use the skills and capital they have acquired in Europe for the development of their home country. Moreover, the EU should destine more of its resources to the eradication of poverty and the development of permanent democratic structures in the poorer part of the world.

  Concerning the European refugee policy the goal to ensure the respect of the Geneva Convention all over the EU has failed. Still, there is no alternative for a European approach. The only chance to reverse the downward spiral is a new, more democratic legislative process, in which the European Parliament can exercise its recently acquired right of co-decision.

  Asylum seekers are to be treated with dignity and respect as they await the results of their applications. Solidarity is needed to prevent some EU countries being overburdened by this task while others hardly contribute to refugee protection. The Dublin Convention, which stipulates that asylum seekers must file their application in the country where they enter the EU, should be rendered more flexible for those countries under excessive pressure. In the end, there should be a European asylum system which deserves its name and is truly common, funded from the EU budget.

- Justice

  The European Union has an important role to play in combating cross-border crime and terrorism. Nowadays, however, the increasing justice and police cooperation too often encroaches upon fundamental rights such as privacy and the right to a fair trial.
In the coming decades, technology will become available for governments to put all their residents under permanent surveillance. The Greens reject such a Big Brother society. The EU should be a champion of fundamental rights. These include the principle of non-discrimination. This principle should be rigorously enforced so as to prevent governments from treating entire segments of their populations as terrorism suspects. If Europe manages to uphold individual freedoms and tolerance, it can become a magnet for creative talents from all over the world.

  Therefore, the Greens want the Charter of Fundamental Rights to become binding for all EU institutions as soon as possible. The EU should also accede to the European Convention on Human Rights. European law-making on justice and home affairs should no longer be the prerogative of national ministers, gathering behind closed doors, but a matter of co-decision between the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers. However, applying the community method to criminal law requires a restrictive definition of the crimes the EU is competent to tackle. It should be made explicit that the fight against serious cross-border crime does not extend itself to issues such as abortion, voluntary euthanasia or the local sale of soft drugs. As the Union expands, so does the diversity of ethic concepts amongst its citizens. An EU which doesn’t respect this diversity will be perceived as a threat to national and personal freedoms.

  Once the above-mentioned checks and guarantees are in place, the prosecution of a well-defined set of cross-border crimes, such as fraud against the EU budget, should be entrusted to a European Public Prosecutor. We can even envisage the introduction of a European Intelligence Service, to facilitate the cooperation between national services which nowadays is cumbersome. The democratic control over such agencies should be jointly exercised by the European Parliament and national parliaments.

Conclusion

We European Greens firmly stand for the further political integration of Europe.

  We need the Union because it has demonstrated its ability to create and maintain peace among its members, and peace is never to be taken for granted, within or outside of Europe. We need the Union because responding to the challenges of global warming and other environmental threats is beyond any nation state’s sole capabilities. We need the Union because unrestrained competition between national social security systems brings the social cohesion in our countries in a downward spiral. We need the Union because diseases know no borders. We need the Union in order to find the critical mass to generate a new – greener – wave of value creation and thereby respond to the mass unemployment in our countries. We need the Union to promote a more just globalization, more fair, more respectful of the quality of life of all the world’s inhabitants, more caring for the environment, more sensitive to diversity. We need the Union because it is our common responsibility – not just that of the States at the current borders of the Union – to provide an answer to the migrations. These few – but essential – examples already make a compelling case for acting together, in an integrated way at the European level.

  Of course, the European Union is neither an end in itself nor a cure for all of Europe’s problems – let alone the planet’s: some can be tackled at a lower level: local, regional, national; some others demand a truly global approach. But in our perspective, no one can deny neither the accomplishments nor the relevance of the European Union in tackling some of the most crucial issues we face as Europeans.

  The European Union is today at a critical juncture. Long gone seems to be the undoubting faith of the founders, while the visionary push that presided over the reunification of the continent after the fall of the Berlin wall has exhausted its energy. The Union is adrift, managed by a caretaker Commission; proposals and decisions often are too bureaucratic and sow too little concern with people\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\\'s social and environmental concerns; popular support for the EU has evaporated in too many places. Most member-state governments either foster a culture of competition rather than of cooperation inside the EU, or as a scapegoat for unpopular decisions they want or have to make at national level.

  In order to get the Union out of the ditch, we need a new impetus. This requires at least three major conditions. The first is that political leaders across the continent radically shift away from the current politically correct euro-skeptic attitude and openly recognize the added value – in fact the indispensable need – of a political European Union. The second is that they start steering the Union towards tackling efficiently and effectively the major challenges that we face as Europeans and as citizens of the Earth, of which we mentioned some of the key ones above. Last but not least, we need all social actors – NGO’s, trade unions, … - who are both mobilized by those issues and rightfully concerned by the apparent inability and unwillingness of the Union’s current political leadership to address them, to find ways to jointly build up the pressure to force the changes outlined above. 

  We as European Greens are prepared to live up to this challenge. We also know that we will not achieve this alone, and that we do not own all the solutions. Others on the political and social scenes have a vision, ideas and energy to bring to bear and we will need to join forces to give shape to a renewed European Union. This paper is our contribution to what must be a fundamental debate across the Union – and within each potential applicant country as well, to get the European Union again on the go and thereby give a socially and ecologically sustainable future to Europe.

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